File Name: pay any price greed power and endless war .zip
- Books Worth Reading
- Pay Any Price: Greed, Power, and Endless War
- James Risen’s ‘Pay Any Price’
- This Solidarity of Sisters
An invitation to reflect on writing that one did over a dozen years ago is inevitably a post-mortem about memory, time, the despair of nauseating repetition, and the delight of rediscovery and surprise. Everything that seems old is also new, or open to new interpretations; and what might seem new is inexorably haunted by the colonial, patriarchal, nationalist, racist burdens of the past.
But with Finks , Joel Whitney vividly brings to life the early days of the Cold War, when the CIA's Ivy League ties were strong, and key American literary figures were willing to secretly do the bidding of the nation's spymasters. Finks is a timely moral reckoning—one that compels all those who work in the academic, media and literary boiler rooms to ask some troubling questions of themselves When news broke that the CIA had colluded with literary magazines to produce cultural propaganda throughout the Cold War, a debate began that has never been resolved.
Books Worth Reading
The three-story building, nondescript and surrounded by a acre compound, fenced off from the outside world, sits in New Jersey's Meadowlands, literally in the shadows of a far more recognizable landmark, MetLife Stadium, the home of the New York Giants and New York Jets football teams — and the Super Bowl.
People driving down the New Jersey Turnpike through the flat, gray wetlands just south of New York City would never notice the unmarked semi-tractor trailers pulling onto the turnpike at exit 16W, coming from the operations center just down the street. But the East Rutherford Operations Center is hiding riches beyond imagining. Deep inside the complex sits a gargantuan vault, measuring 1 million cubic feet. It is filled with U. And those trucks driving onto the turnpike are loaded with secret cargo — cash.
It is the hardwired connection between Washington and Wall Street, between the White House and the financial system. And its storehouse of currency in East Rutherford is there to make sure that banks have the cash they need to refill ATMs across the country. But in , East Rutherford's routine was secretly twisted by the White House. It was placed in the middle of one of the most bizarre operations of the entire Iraq war. The scheme was so weird that it seems hard to believe anyone thought it might be a good idea at the time.
It was also symbolic of the profligacy that has been the hallmark of America's endless war on terror — the waste, in both lives and treasure, that two successive presidencies have produced. And it was the moment when thievery in the global war on terror achieved industrial scale. Within weeks of the toppling of Saddam Hussein's statue in Baghdad's Firdos Square in April , a televised event that came to symbolize the ouster of Saddam's regime in Iraq by the U.
The trucks then moved out, down the New Jersey Turnpike, carrying billions of dollars in cash. They hauled their cargo of riches past Newark, where nearly one third of the people live below the poverty level. The aircraft taxied down the runway and took off for Iraq, making intermediate stops in Germany and Kuwait. Finally, the planes landed at Baghdad International Airport, where the cash was unloaded and counted in the presence of both American and Iraqi personnel. The controls on the money were so lax that few credible records exist of exactly how much cash there was or where the cash went once it arrived in Baghdad.
Almost certainly, a portion of it ended up in the hands of some of the most powerful Iraqi leaders of the post-Saddam era. Billions of dollars in cash were wasted. And billions more simply disappeared.
Now, there is explosive new evidence that for the first time may help to solve the mystery of the missing cash. American investigators have traced the missing cash to Lebanon. It is believed to have been stolen after it arrived in Baghdad, and then secretly transported to Lebanon, where it has been hidden away ever since.
These officials have received reports that the cash was stolen and stored in the bunker with the knowledge of several of Iraq's most prominent leaders. At least several hundred million dollars in additional cash is also being hidden in several other locations in Lebanon, according to former U.
The figures of how much money was stolen and transported out of Iraq are inexact, but the reality is indisputable. One former American official even reported seeing the cash for himself, stored in the bunker in Lebanon. In addition to cash, hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of gold was stolen from the Iraqi government and is also being hidden in Lebanon, current and former U.
The CIA and FBI, along with the Pentagon and State Department, have all been told about the theft of the cash, and have received evidence about the bunker in Lebanon and other locations where the cash is believed to be hidden. But the agencies have not tried to retrieve the money.
Nobody went after it during the Bush administration, nor has the Obama administration tried. Instead, the U. The Iraqi government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has also been given information about the money's whereabouts. But the Iraqi government has not taken any action to retrieve it either. Instead, the Iraqi government has kept the information about the Lebanese bunker secret.
Officials in both Washington and the Middle East seem content to let the truth lie hidden. Like so many things about the Iraq war, the cash flights from New York started with good intentions. But ideology, chaos, and finally greed all got in the way. Ged Smith was a veteran of the Treasury Department's tiny band of international firemen who make their living rebuilding lost and broken economies. In the s, he worked in the Balkans following the breakup of Yugoslavia and the ethnic cleansing of Bosnia.
In the early weeks of , as the Bush administration geared up for war with Iraq, Smith, the director of the Treasury's Office of Technical Assistance, was assigned to figure out how to get Iraq's financial system restarted after the toppling of Saddam Hussein.
He quickly realized that he was facing much different problems than he had ever seen in Sarajevo. He was going to have to deal with a government of true believers who did not want to hear bad news. And that was just in Washington. Smith's team of Treasury officials was part of a larger postwar reconstruction organization led by retired army general Jay Garner, who had been appointed by President Bush to get Iraq up and running again after the invasion.
Garner had been named because he had been in charge of providing food and shelter to the Kurds following the first Gulf War, and the Bush administration believed that it would only face short-term problems, like feeding refugees, before Iraq was back on its feet.
They neither wanted nor expected an extended occupation; as a result, any plans that assumed a long-term commitment from the United States were dismissed or ignored. During one of the few interagency meetings on postwar planning held before the March invasion, Smith briefed a crowd of senior officials in an auditorium at Fort McNair in Washington on Treasury's plans for Baghdad.
He warned that because the Iraqi economy was so centralized under Saddam Hussein, taking down the Iraqi government would likely mean the forced closure of hundreds of Iraqi companies and state-owned enterprises. Factory managers would not know what to do without orders from the regime. That meant that tens of thousands of Iraqis would almost certainly be thrown out of work immediately after Saddam lost power. Smith looked up after he issued this dire prediction.
No one in the crowd said a word. No one asked a single question. At a follow-up meeting at Fort McNair, Smith mentioned that one of the lessons he had learned in the Balkans was the importance of maintaining a government's ability to collect tariffs and customs duties, so it could meet its payroll. This time, someone did challenge Smith. A Republican political appointee stood up in the audience and forcefully argued that the Bush administration was for free trade and that the United States was going to sweep away the remnants of protectionism along with Saddam's regime.
His team waited in Kuwait during the initial stages of the invasion, and then raced for Baghdad, becoming one of the first civilian missions to make it into the capital after Saddam's regime fell.
Smith had asked the U. But when his people arrived, there were no U. Looters and criminals had tried to get into the main vaults, which held both U.
The looters stole some bags of cash held in less secure cage areas outside the main vaults but were never able to get to the bank's main deposits. Still, the looters did set fires in the building. Pipes burst, water cascaded down into the vaults belowground, and before long the vaults were under 5 feet of water.
It took weeks of digging out before the central bank could resume normal operations in its own facilities. Planning went out the window. The Treasury team had to improvise. They had assumed that once Saddam Hussein was ousted, the Iraqi currency used by his toppled regime would be considered worthless.
But to Smith's surprise, Iraqis continued to use the so-called Saddam dinar. Treasury officials couldn't find the printing plates used by Saddam's regime to print the currency, however, and didn't even know where the printing presses for the currency had been hidden. Eventually, Iraq was going to need new currency. But it would take months to develop, print, and distribute billions of new dinars in a newly designed, post-Saddam currency.
In the meantime, Iraq had to have an immediate infusion of cash to get the economy back up and running. John Taylor, the undersecretary of the Treasury for international affairs, arranged for President Bush to sign an executive order authorizing American banks to release those Iraqi government funds to the Treasury Department. It would then be flown to Iraq. The cash was to be "used to assist the Iraqi people, and to assist in the reconstruction of Iraq," Bush's March 20, , executive order stated.
Smith wanted the currency sent in small denominations, to help get the cash moving quickly through the paralyzed Iraqi economy. Some currency in small denominations was sent on the first flight, but the Iraqi Central Bank refused to accept it, and the Americans had nowhere to put it.
Once the Treasury team had turned that cash over to the Iraqi Central Bank, Ged Smith believed they had given Iraq all of the dollars it would need to jump-start the country's moribund monetary system. But that was just the beginning of the cash flights, much to Ged Smith's dismay.
What Smith did not realize was that the post-Saddam order being established in Iraq was already becoming deeply corrupt. Worse, the United States was willing and able to keep feeding into that corruption.
Within weeks of the invasion, American troops scouring one of Saddam's palaces discovered aluminum boxes filled with cash. There were many, many boxes. The cashboxes were collected and secretly flown to a U. In order to prevent them from skimming some of the money for themselves, the soldiers were not allowed to wear anything more than gym shorts and T-shirts while in the counting room.
The Treasury officials soon realized that the cash discovered by American troops and flown to Kuwait was the same money Qusay Hussein had taken from the central bank. He argued that the U. Taylor even went to the Situation Room in the White House to argue with top administration officials that the money legally belonged to the central bank and that it should be shipped back immediately.
Pay Any Price: Greed, Power, and Endless War
In his book, Risen contends that the APA colluded with CIA and White House officials for the purpose of justifying and ensuring psychologist assistance in legitimizing and implementing enhanced interrogation during the George W. Bush administration. The APA also claims no financial motivation to support the Department of Defense  in its detainee interrogation policies. The APA cites three goals of those meetings: 1 to apply the expertise of psychologists specializing in investigative interview techniques, threat assessment, and lie detection in national security settings; 2 to ensure that national security policies were well-informed by empirical science; and 3 to determine what roles and behaviors are appropriate for psychologists to take in national security settings, as well as what roles and behaviors are inappropriate. The APA defends the propriety of these meetings, contending that it is appropriate that the APA Ethics Office offers a confidential venue for psychologists to discuss ethical challenges in their area of practice. The APA states that it communicated this policy to key government officials.
Risen alleges that almost 12 billion dollars sent from the U. The title of the book refers to John F. Kennedy 's Inaugural Address on January 20, , when he said, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty. In November , the American Psychological Association announced that they would hire a lawyer to investigate the book's claims. As detailed in the book, Dennis L. Montgomery is an American software designer and former medical technician who sold federal officials computer programs he claimed would decode secret Al Qaeda messages hidden in Al Jazeera broadcasts and identify terrorists based on predator drone videos.
James Risen’s ‘Pay Any Price’
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Risen is not the first to comment on the wanton excesses of the war on terror. Risen, however, brings home the costs by providing detailed accounts of specific operations and the individuals caught up in the counterterror gold rush.
This Solidarity of Sisters
In Pay Any Price, Pulitzer Prize winner James Risen reveals an extraordinary litany of the hidden costs of that war: billions of dollars that went missing from Iraq only to turn up in a bunker in Lebanon; whistleblowers abused, including a staffer on the House Intelligence Committee persecuted by the F. In the name of fighting terrorism, our government has perpetrated acts that rival the shameful historic wartime abuses of generations past, and it has worked very hard to cover them up. James Risen brings them into the light. Pages : Carton Quantity : Books Best Sellers.
In the name of fighting terrorism, our government has perpetrated acts that rival the shameful historic wartime abuses of generations past, and it has worked very hard to cover them up. James Risen brings them into the light. Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. To get the free app, enter your mobile phone number. Read more Read less.
Pay Any Price: Greed, Power, and Endless War [Risen, James] on luciegaillard.org *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Pay Any Price: Greed, Power, and.
I was asked by the Central Intelligence Agency in the spring of about how the research on learned helplessness could help captured Americans resist and evade torture and interrogation. There was no discussion of how learned helplessness could be used with detainees nor any mention of the interrogation of detainees. I played no role at all in these developments, and I am grieved that scientific research created to relieve helplessness and depression might have been used for brutal interrogations. The unfounded attacks on me and others, however, may have been intended to discourage young psychologists from working with the Department of Defense, and I urge American Psychological Association not to waver in its long-standing commitment to serve the nation. This practitioner is a celebrity, renowned for his works on depression. His books on optimism and confidence are international bestsellers. It was he who oversaw the experiments on human guinea pigs ….
Montgomery lost on summary judgment after the court found that he was a limited purpose public figure and that most of the statements at issue in the case amounted to opinion that is not actionable under the First Amendment. In this amicus brief, we argue that Montgomery qualifies as a limited purpose public figure because of his role in an important government military contract. Importantly, we are stressing that these issues take on heightened importance in the context of national security reporting, where the interest in informing the public is at its greatest.
Росио сопровождает мистера Густафсона сегодня вечером. Она непременно передаст ему паспорт. Можете оставить свое имя и адрес - наверняка мистер Густафсон захочет вас поблагодарить. - Прекрасная мысль. Альфонсо Тринадцатый. Очень хорошо, прямо сейчас туда загляну.
Совсем мало, - сказал Джабба, посмотрев на монитор. - Всего лишь какие-то обрывки, в полном виде -. Фонтейн медленно кивнул и улыбнулся одними уголками губ.
Ни с чем подобным мы еще не сталкивались. - Он замолчал, словно подбирая нужные слова. - Этот шифр взломать невозможно.
Сьюзан посмотрела на. Сидя рядом с великим Тревором Стратмором, она невольно почувствовала, что страхи ее покинули. Переделать Цифровую крепость - это шанс войти в историю, принеся громадную пользу стране, и Стратмору без ее помощи не обойтись. Хоть и не очень охотно, она все же улыбнулась: - Что будем делать.
Что-то сказанное панком не давало ему покоя. Я прихожу сюда каждый вечер. А что, если этот парень способен ему помочь. - Прошу прощения, - сказал. - Я не расслышал, как тебя зовут.
В тексте названы Хиросима и Нагасаки, города, разрушенные атомными бомбами. Может быть, ключ связан с количеством человеческих жертв, оценочной суммой нанесенного ущерба в долларах… - Она замолчала, снова вчитываясь в текст. - Слово разница особенно важно.
Лицо Стратмора из багрового стало пунцовым. Сомнений в том, кого именно обвиняет Чатрукьян, не. Единственный терминал в шифровалке, с которого разрешалось обходить фильтры Сквозь строй, принадлежал Стратмору. Когда коммандер заговорил, в его голосе звучали ледяные нотки: - Мистер Чатрукьян, я не хочу сказать, что вас это не касается, но фильтры обошел. - Очевидно, что Стратмор с трудом сдерживает гнев.
У меня нет денег на новый билет. - Где твои родители? - спросил Беккер. - В Штатах.
Военной службе пришел конец. Отсидев некоторое время в тюрьме, Хейл занялся поисками места программиста в частных компаниях.